On Thursdays, there is a regular meeting of the deputies to the Attorney General. They review the planned agenda for the upcoming government meeting, the ministers’ reasons for various decisions, and decide where legal input is required. In this government, the meeting proceeds blindly. The agenda is not always distributed on Thursday. When it is, it is often incomplete, with proposals brought at the last minute, sometimes even during the meeting, so no one can properly review them.
Government Secretary Yossi Fox, who previously served as a legal commentator on Channel 14 and was known for lighthearted commentary quoted in respectable forums to lighten the mood, no longer sees himself as merely the successor to government secretaries like Yossi Beilin and Dan Meridor. In his mind, he is the direct heir to Aharon Barak and Meir Shamgar — Attorneys General.
Prime Minister Netanyahu approved the assassination of Ismail Haniyeh on Tehran soil, an operation any layperson understands could lead to war, but he did not bring the operation for government (cabinet) approval as required by law. “Aharon Barak” from AliExpress cleans up after him and explains why it’s legal anyway.
Attempts to turn Israel into a cosmetic democracy continue. Ministers look enviously at Itamar Ben Gvir, who has managed to keep the democratic façade — police with a deputy commissioner, district commanders, patrols, uniforms — but whose content increasingly resembles the police forces in other regimes. Active police units rush under every public blanket to evict people trying to eat jachnun near an elected official’s home, while hundreds of rioters in Beit Lid and Sde Teiman who break into military bases are met with police indifference.
Still, it’s worth looking at this struggle: an inspiring civil protest, unprecedented in the state’s history, stopped a bulldozing government with a stable majority. Return to the arrogant press conference of democracy’s enemy, Yariv Levin, in January 2023. He presented the regime change as only a first stage. None of that happened. Citizens forcibly stopped those who hold the greatest power in the country.
The other side also learned its lesson: it will not rush to the Judicial Selection Committee, will not dare to raise again in the Knesset the repeal of the reasonableness clause, and the override clause with 61 seats has returned to a gray clause in law faculties. Despite the calls heard yesterday, the regime change will not return.
It goes even deeper: the alliance of the right-wing Bibi supporters and the ultra-Orthodox received a lesson in the limits of power. They understood what the price would be for realizing their messianic vision. There will be no money for their stipends, no army to protect them, and they will not be part of the family of nations. The liberal camp may not have a majority in the Knesset, but without it, this will be a second- or third-world country.
At the start of the war, I estimated that by now there would be a million people in the streets. I was wrong. But it is important that the atmosphere of despair does not take hold. Remember how total the victory was in the previous struggle: the Supreme Court only grew stronger and invalidated Basic Laws, the liberal majority on the Judicial Selection Committee increased, and the Bibi supporters have not yet managed to take over any media outlet. Not Galatz, not the Public Broadcasting Corporation — though attempts continue — nor Channel 13.
The madness will end eventually. The damage being done now is reversible. You can fire a civil service commissioner, appoint new police leadership. Meanwhile, it’s necessary to strengthen the fighters in the trenches: the Attorney General and her wonderful team, the head of the investigations division — who is far from impressive but an honest man who withdrew his intention to resign so the police would not fall into Ben Gvir’s hands. Even the Police Investigations Department has shown signs of life for the first time in two weeks. It is important not to resign and not to despair. They will lose.